Sunday, August 21, 2016

CMNEA Volunteers Needed for Busy Political Season

CMNEA, if you know how to knock on a door and know how to walk down a sidewalk, we could use your help!

If you know how to sit in a chair and listen, we need you to attend a few events!

If you like to ask questions and help make decisions, we would LOVE to have you!

We need members to help canvass for candidates, attended our forums and help with screenings. 

Can't wait to get started? Please click here to volunteer.

Thanks!

Saturday, August 20, 2016

Canvass for Susan McClintic Aug. 27th



Help Canvass for Susan McClintic

August 27th!


Meet at 907 E. Ash street (Behind Wolf Head's Tavern) by 10:00 a.m. Training on how to canvass will take place and then we will head out to help Susan McClintic get elected to the Missouri House! Wear your CMNEA T-Shirt!!

Fundraiser for Candidate Martha Stevens for State Rep.


Stephen Webber for State Senate Fundraiser with US SENATOR CLAIRE McCASKILL



Candidate Susan McClintic Fundraiser THIS TUESDAY!!


You are Invited: Tue, Aug. 23
Join Susan McClintic
 
MO 47th District Candidate
For a fundraising reception
at
Les  Bourgeois Tasting Room
5-7 pm
(right off the I-70 exit)
12847 W. Hwy BB
Rocheport, MO 65279

For more information or to RSVP
email susan@susanforrep.com
or call 573-268-9590
 's

Kendrick Announce Democratic Run for Minority Whip


Rep. Kip Kendrick (D-45, Columbia) announced his run for the position of Minority Whip in the Missouri House of Representatives. Traditionally, the party whip is responsible for counting votes for and against an important bill and, when necessary, encouraging ambivalent party members to join in supporting the bill. As Minority Whip, Rep. Kendrick intends to play a major role in the leadership of the Democratic Party in the House.
“My family and I have carefully considered the decision to run for leadership. I am pleased that the decision has been very well received by my colleagues and has strong support from caucus members. Now more than ever, House Democrats need leaders who are willing to do the work necessary to rebuild a dwindling minority party and improve the standing of Democrats in the House. We cannot afford complacency. In my first term, I have demonstrated my dedication to learning the issues, listening to my colleagues, and working with both parties to move the state forward,” Kendrick said. “It is now time to lead the state forward.”
“It is critical to have strong representation from mid-Missouri on the leadership team. The state’s two largest metropolitan areas on either side of the state have become Democratic Party islands. If we are to rebuild the Party, then it is necessary for mid-Missouri to have a seat at the leadership table.”
Kendrick believes his rural roots growing up in Monroe City, a small town in northeast Missouri, is also an important attribute to bring to Democratic leadership. He believes that Democrats must represent all Missourians––rural, as well as urban.
During his first term, Rep. Kendrick made expanding access to healthcare to rural Missouri via Telehealth a priority. Kendrick continues to work on higher education policy, specifically college affordability, an issue important to his district––home of the University of Missouri, Stephens College and Columbia College. He plans to re-file his Student Debt Relief Act during the during the 2017 legislation session, along with a Student Loan Bill of Rights and a proposed State Work Study program. Kendrick will be presenting his student loan refinancing bill at an (invitation only) Student Loan Symposium hosted by the Philadelphia Federal Reserve Bank in late August.
The election for House leadership will be held when the Democratic Caucus convenes shortly after the November election. Rep. Kendrick is currently completing his first term in office.

Sunday, August 14, 2016

MNEA Endorsed Chris Koster for Governor: See video


Black Lives Matters and Charter Schools


Why the Black Lives Matter Movement Has to Take on Charter Schools

Education reform’s race problems mirror unequal treatment in the criminal justice system.  



People take part in a Black Lives Matter rally on April 29, 2015, at Union Square in New York City.
People take part in a Black Lives Matter rally on April 29, 2015, at Union Square in New York City.EDUARDO MUNOZ ALVAREZ/AFP/GETTY IMAGES
Black school systems are treated like black men and women in America. Urban schools are broken up, experimented on and policed in efforts to improve them. The reformers expect students, teachers and parents to be grateful and accept test score growth in return, just as black communities were expected to be grateful when crime dropped even as incarceration rates rose.
But finally, the same voices decrying the unequal treatment of black communities by the criminal justice system are turning to the unequal treatment of black communities in school reform.
The Black Lives Matter collective—representing approximately 50 organizations—released an official platform last week titled “A Vision for Black Lives.” Its education section called for an end to the privatization of education and petitioned for more community control of schools. A list of demands included “a moratorium on charter schools and school closures.” The NAACP also took a stand against charters at their annual national convention by approving a resolution that calls for a moratorium on the expansion of privately managed charters. It has yet to be approved by the national board.
Zero-tolerance policies in the criminal justice system are the first cousins of zero-tolerance policies in schools. African Americans are incarcerated at nearly six times the rate of whites. African-American public school students are suspended three times more than their white counterparts. So it’s ironic many in the current reform movement actually believe they should be embraced by Black Lives Matter and the NAACP, even though many of the theories and practices many of us are fighting against in the criminal justice arena are still openly embraced by many charter schools: Sweating the small stuffwalking on white lines and no-tolerance discipline, all of which are not exclusive to charter schools, but have certainly characterized the sector.
What took black activists so long to turn their attention to how black lives are discounted in school reform? One reason: the imposition of charters—which have expanded much faster in cities than in suburban and rural areas—undermined the power of black communities to fight back.
The charter takeover of New Orleans is a case in point.
When I accepted a role to run a charter schools network in New Orleans, I hitched a wagon to an existing effort of the University of New Orleans to live up to its urban mission to build capacity in its neighborhood. Equipped with a college of education faculty, student-teachers and external support, UNO was positioned to uplift struggling schools in the neighborhood we shared—Gentilly. As the first organization under new takeover legislation to convert a traditional public school into a charter in 2004, the university agreed to return the school back to the New Orleans School District after five years with lessons learned. We were one of five charter schools that existed before the storm.
Hurricane Katrina upended this limited and careful foray into chartering public schools to see if it could improve outcomes. In the wake of the storm, the state legislature passed a bill (Act 35), which changed its earlier definition of an academically unacceptable school, allowing for a radical expansion of the number of charter schools in New Orleans. In September of 2005, the board placed all school employees on disaster leave, meaning they would receive no pay or benefits until the schools reopened.
Then in December of 2005, 7,500 school district employees were officially terminated, and because of their varied evacuations, many did not receive official notification. Based on 2000 census data, nearly 5 percent of New Orleans blacks lost their jobs with that decision. On June 30, 2006, the UTNO collective bargaining agreement with the district expired, and the school board did not vote to renew the contract in a city with extensive union membership.
In December 2007, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the Doris and Donald Fisher Fund, and the Broad Foundation announced their plans to provide several grants for three years to New Schools for New Orleans, New Leaders for New Schools and Teach for America of Greater New Orleans. Instead of fixing the teacher pipeline problem that existed before the storm, the decision to expand these organizations made it worse.
The percentage of white teachers and leaders who were less likely to stay in the city increased dramatically. The Louisiana Department of Education eventually lifted the five-year requirement to return schools to the originating district. Charters were there to stay, while the number of black educators in the city dropped more than 20 percentage points after Katrina.
A measured, local effort to improve schools was taken over by a national agenda.
The changes to the schools were just one strand in a web of pervasive, institutional racism that defined how black residents were treated in the effort to rebuild. Viable public housing was boarded up and not replaced with sufficient alternatives. Police officers shot six unarmed civilians on the New Orleans’ Danzinger Bridge days after Hurricane Katrina. Low-income residents lost access to affordable health care when the public Charity Hospital closed. Moreover, 1 in 7 black men are in prison or on parole in New Orleans.

Billions have been poured in the city to help bring it back and make it stronger than before the storm. However, 10 years after Hurricane Katrina, New Orleans has approximately 100,000 fewer black people, the majority of whom say the city has yet to recover. (Compared to the majority of white residents, who say it has.) Test scores may be up, but black residents are nearly as poor as pre-Katrina.
We are not going to fire, expel or replace our way to a healthy community. A more effective strategy is to build a power base for the black community through quality black-led educational institutions. Charter schools can be part of the solution, but first education reformers need to take a hard look at how they operate in black communities and decide if they really believe black lives matter more than test score gains.
Andre Perry, Ph.D., is the former founding dean of urban education at Davenport University in Grand Rapids, Mich. Previously, Perry served as CEO of the Capital One-University of New Orleans Charter 

Koster and Kander campaign in Southern MO

Koster, Kander boost attendance at Cape Democratic dinner

Sunday, August 14, 2016
Michael Davis, left, Cape Girardeau County Democratic Party chairman, and Missouri Attorney General Chris Koster walk Saturday to the local party's annual banquet in Cape Girardeau.
Fred Lynch

A pair of big-name guest speakers drew nearly double the expected turnout at the Cape Girardeau County Democrats’ annual dinner Saturday night.
The speakers were Missouri attorney general and Democratic nominee for governor Chris Koster, as well as Missouri Secretary of State Jason Kander, who is running to unseat Missouri’s Republican U.S. senator, Roy Blunt.
Koster said one of the problems with the current political climate is lawmakers’ inability and unwillingness to seek compromise to craft policy solutions. As political discussion becomes more polarized, centrism and pragmatism have fallen out of style, he said.
The solution, Koster said, is electing officials who know how to bring people together.
Koster, who calls himself a conservative Democrat, drew a parallel between the popularity of Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump and that of his opponent in the gubernatorial race, Eric Greitens.
He characterized the voting bloc that nominated Greitens as irresponsible for choosing Greitens over candidates with stronger political qualifications.
“A blow-it-up party has taken control of the Republican Party,” he said, referring to a Greitens campaign ad that shows him shooting a rifle at a barrel, which explodes.
Koster said the all-or-nothing ideology of certain elements within the Republican Party has resulted in officials who are “declaring war on cooperation.”
Koster said his commitment to cutting taxes, his “A” rating from the National Rifle Association and his concern for Missouri agriculture are part of what makes him the type of pragmatic candidate who can foster compromise across party lines.
That’s why the Missouri Farm Bureau recently endorsed him, Koster said, marking the first time the organization has backed a Democrat for statewide office. Several smaller agriculture organizations have followed suit.
“He’s still trying to figure out the difference between a tractor and a combine,” Koster said of Greitens.
“I take him at his word that he knows how to blow Jefferson City up,” he said. “But I see no evidence whatsoever that he knows how to put it back together when he’s done.”
Voters, he said, are mad at their representatives. Some esteem “outsiders” more than politicians. Outsiders, however, won’t solve the problems, Koster said.
“I cannot believe the solution to an inexperienced legislature is a completely inexperienced governor,” he said.
Kander shared a story about his time in the Army to illustrate the consequences of congressional inaction. Shortly after 9/11, during his first tour of duty in Afghanistan, Kander said, he found himself riding not in the armored Humvee he had been promised, but in an unarmored, mid-size SUV.
Those responsible for the inadequate equipment, he said, were members of Congress who had put their allegiance to their party above their work and responsibilities.
Instead of leading negotiations to deal with the Zika virus as he had been tasked, Blunt attended a fundraiser, Kander said.
“He didn’t show up,” Kander said. “The bill tanked. ... If Sen. Blunt is not going to do his job, he should be fired.”
Kander also expressed his commitment to lowering taxes for the middle class.
“The middle class needs a tax cut more than multinational companies need another loophole,” he said.
Like Koster, Kander said he values cooperation over blind adherence to party positions.
“This is a generation more focused on ideas than ideology,” he said. “We need more senators who have voluntarily been through something more difficult than an election campaign.”

How Does Pay for Educators Fair Compared with Other Professionals?

Recession Is In Session: Teacher Wages Way Down; Men, Non-Union Members, Veterans Hardest Hit

Screen Shot 2016-08-12 at 8.12.49 AM

  
The wage gap between teachers and professionals with the same level of education is at a record high. 
According to a study by the Economic Policy Institute (EPI), the average weekly wage of a pubic school teacher in 1994 was only 1.8% lower than that of comparable professionals. Last year that figure reached an astonishing 17%:
When looking at the period from 1996 to 2015, the paper found that while wages for college graduates increased, teacher pay declined by $30 per week.
[…] In a state-by-state analysis of teacher pay, the paper found that in no state does a teacher enjoy comparable pay to other college graduates. The effects of low, declining pay are felt by teachers in all 50 states and the District of Columbia.
Experienced teachers have had to bear the brunt of this decline, according to Education World:
Although all teachers are suffering from low pay, the paper found that experienced teachers are suffering the most.
“The erosion of relative teacher wages has fallen most heavily on experienced teachers. Year after year, the most experienced teacher cohort has undergone a prolonged deterioration in relative wages throughout the entirety of our analysis,” the paper says.
Male and non-unionized teachers have taken a bigger hit than their female and unionized counterparts:
“Over 1996–2015, the wage penalty of female teachers with collective bargaining was 7.5 percent, less than half the 18.8 percent wage penalty experienced by female teachers lacking collective bargaining.”
In other words, unionized teachers experience a smaller wage gap than non-unionized ones.
The paper points out that more competitive salaries are necessary to attract and retain good teachers:
“If the policy goal is to improve the quality of the entire teaching workforce, then raising the level of teacher compensation, including wages, is critical to recruiting and retaining higher-quality teachers,” the paper concludes.

Thursday, August 4, 2016

MNEA Endorsed Candidate Chris Koster in town THIS Friday




CMNEA members - are you ready to meet Chris?
As a part of his statewide bus tour, Chris Koster will be in Columbia on August 5, listening and talking to voters about the issues impacting working families and businesses in your community -- and you’re invited!

WHAT: General Election Kickoff with Chris
WHEN: 5PM on Friday, August 5
WHERE: 203 N Providence Rd, Suite 101, Columbia MO 65203

Can we count on you to be there? RSVP so Chris will know he’ll see you then!
Can’t wait,
Team Koster